Social Science Research Council

Abstract

One of the most salient issues posed by the international affairs literature and of concern for those seeking to maximize the impact of their foreign policy, relates to the ability of international norms to modify and influence states’ domestic policy-making. With the official end of the Cold War and disintegration of the Soviet Union, the political relevance of studying how the newly Central Asian Republics are being integrated in the international community and which international norms can have a real impact during the first decade of their independence, has increased dramatically.

This study argues that the Central Asian Republics lend themselves as paradoxical examples, when analyzing the steps they have taken to establish new institutions promoting gender equality, albeit in a domestic environment promoting conservative Islamic values and pre-Soviet traditional norms utilized to consolidate their respective nation- states. The analysis vis a vis international norms’ dispersion used in this research can be extended to understand similar efforts undertaken by states during transition, such as Eastern Europe, Latin America and the post-colonial “Third World”, within their respective historical and political legacies.

A review of the international norms writings suggest that out of the myriad of international “tools” that can be used to change the behavior of states, international organizations play a crucial role in as much as they can be considered “vehicles of diffusion of norms”, or “teachers” of norms. In this respect, the United Nations (UN) is an international organization with one of the densest global networks, and can be considered one of the chief promoters of international norms worldwide. In the context of Central Asia receiving UN membership was the most notable step towards recognition by the international community in the 1990s. The significance of acquiring membership in the UN will be a key element of analysis and will be further scrutinized in as much as to understand the Central Asian Republics’ willingness to subscribe to observance of international norms not considered a priority domestically, such as those related to advancement of women and gender equality. Thus, incorporating the analysis of gender promotion in the Central Asian Republics of one UN’s main agencies advocating gender equality, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), will be instrumental to understand the modus operandi of international norms in the real world.

With the collapse of the Soviet Union, five newly independent Central Asian emerged in the international political system, engaging in transition to democracy, market economy, and trying to find a voice in global matters. Though increased attention and study has been given to issues related to this double transition, including the role of international organizations, in supporting this complex developmental process, there is no conversation about issues with few Cold War connections, such as the implications of transition for gender.

The newly independent Central Asian countries are counted in the “third wave” of democratization. Until recently, the international development organizations failed to consolidate gender in their overall assistance programs, due to their focus on specific women’s projects that could not sustain the full integration of women’s issues into mainstream public policy .

A review of the trends in the region undertaken by the UNDP Regional Bureau for Europe and the CIS indicates that the transition towards the market economy has been accompanied by significant economic and social costs, including the widening of the gender gaps in politics, economy and the social sphere. The main reason for gender differences during the transition process is due partly to the legacy of the Soviet past and partly to the traditional stereotypes and patriarchal values of the Central Asian societies. Women’s gains under the Soviet regime such as the quota system, women’s emancipation in the labor market and legislation which did not discriminate against women have eroded as soon as democratic pluralism appeared in Central Asia. The revival of traditional trends such as early marriages, high fertility rates, and the increased promotion of stereotypes regarding the secondary role of women in family and society has been noted in the region and articulated by the mass media. That politicians often recommend that women should return to the household and concentrate on raising children can be counted as a mechanism to mask the harsh realities of competition in the labor market, the closing down of child care facilities and revival of national identities.

Within this context the research aims to shed light on what were the factors that accounted for the establishment of women’s policy machineries in the 1990s as well as the factors that account for the variation in performance of these machineries. By using the case studies of Kyrgystan and Turkmenistan the research will compare how different Central Asian states responded and internalized international norms in the wake of the Beijing Conference. The working hypothesis is that in Central Asia, the establishment of women’s policy machineries has largely depended on the diffusion of international norms of democratization, while their performance has largely depended on local political factors.

The theoretical framework that informs the study integrates three important fields of inquiry. The recent literature on international norms specifically addresses the major impact international organizations can have on the behavior of states. My study links this literature to the literatures on democratization and gender and the state, allowing me to investigate 1) if new nation-states, such as the Central Asian Republics, are more inclined to internalize international norms, in order to accelerate the consolidation of a positive international image; 2) if democratization creates institutional spaces for advancing women’s policy, and 3) if the state can be an effective tool in transitional societies to bring about alteration of gender relations.

The analysis will use the research design of the “most similar systems” , to yield hypotheses about cross-national variations in states’ response to international norms related to advancement of women. The cases are selected to represent a broader population of political systems from Central Asia.